USED then KILLED!

Last Wednesday, November fourth. November fourth, the Islamic Republic of Iran threw itself a party. It throws this party every year. And it gives the day an official name. National Students Day. The regime fills the streets of Tehran with organized crowds and printed signs, and it celebrates the day in 1979 when students climbed the walls of the American Embassy and held Americans hostage for 444 days. This year the crowds carried posters of the new supreme leader holding a rifle. One printed sign read, No peace as long as oppressor exists. The day before at the University of Tehran, a different group of students held a different kind of gathering. They sat in at the Faculty of Social Sciences. One student held a placard that read, Free imprisoned students. Another held a sign telling university officials they'd answer for the life of a classmate. And that same Tuesday, in the city of Isfahan, the regime hanged two young men from January's protests. One of them was 20 years old. Hold those pictures side by side. On Wednesday, the regime throws a party for students, and on Tuesday, its students beg for their classmates' lives. And its hangman goes to work. This isn't a contradiction. That is the Islamic Republic in one week. The regime loves students who are useful. It imprisons the ones who are not. And when it is finished with them, it hangs them. It has operated this way since the first months of its existence. Tonight I'm going to show you how the revolution of 1979 actually worked. Not the slogans, the mechanism. Then I'll show you that same mechanism is running right now. In Europe and in the United States, run by the same terrorist organization. And then I'll give you a plan to break it. Here's the thesis. I'll state it once so you can hold me to it. The Islamists did not take it on by themselves. They borrowed the students, the intellectuals, the socialists, and the communists. They used them to seize power, then they destroyed them. The people being borrowed today don't know that story at all. So let's tell it. The plan was in print in 1970. Let's start with the truth about the Shah because the truth makes the rest of this story hit you in the face harder. The Shah's Iran had real grievances. Savak, the secret police, tortured political prisoners. The press was censored, and in 1975, the Shah folded the country into a single legal party and told Iranians who didn't like it they could leave. The oil boom made a few people very rich and left millions behind in the slums of Tehran. Those grievances were real. That's exactly why the coalition against the Shah was so wide. Look at who was in it. The National Front, heirs of Muhammad Mossadeh, the liberal nationalists, the freedom of movement, Mehi Barzargan, religious, moderate, democratic, the Mujahideen Ich the Mek, who blended Islam with Marxism, the Fadayin, Marxist guerrillas, Tudeh Party, Iran's pro-Soviet Communist Party, the oldest organized left in the country, the university students, the writers, the lawyers, the bazaar merchants, and the clergy. And here's what you need to understand about that coalition. Almost every faction in it believed it would end up in charge. The liberals believed the cleric would bless the revolution and step aside. The leftists believed history was on their side, that a religious old man was just a temporary harmless figurehead, and that once the Shah was gone, the future belonged to them. They were all wrong. Dead wrong. And they had no excuse for being wrong because the plan was in print. In early 1970, and in the Iraqi city of Najaf, Ayatoli Ruhalakmeh delivered a series of lectures that were published as Islamic government. In them he laid out a doctrine called Velayiti Fahih. The guardianship of the jurist. The doctrine is simple. A senior Islamic jurist rules, not the people. Not a parliament that can overrule him. The jurist. That was the blueprint, nine years before the revolution, available to anyone who bothered to read it, including our CIA. Then came Paris. In October 1978, Chominy set up in a village outside Paris. Over roughly four months, he gave more than a hundred interviews to the world's press. He spoke about freedom. He spoke about the freedom of the press. He told reporters he'd return to the holy city of Chom and resume his religious life. His age recorded his messages on cassette tapes. Young people don't even know what those are. And he phoned them into Iran. Yeah, those same people who are marching around with prepared signs delivered by who knows who. Well, we know who. And they don't even know the history behind what they're doing. And that they are the next bodies to be used. Well, he phoned them into Iran, where they were copied and spread through the mosques. What he didn't campaign on in Paris was the guardianship of the jurist. So understand what happened here. He told his own movement the plan in 1970. He told the world a different story in 1978. Doesn't that ring quite true? And suspiciously so, recently in the United States. Both were deliberate. Islamists are patient. They will wait nine years to tell you the truth. On February 1st, 1979, Khomeni flew home to Tehran. Ten days later, the Shah's last government collapsed. The coalition had won. Now the real contest began. But we must know who holds the organization. Here's the question that decides every revolution. When the old government fails and it falls, who holds the organization? The partners held the slogans. They held newspapers, campuses, and crowds. The Islamists held the machinery. Within weeks, revolutionary committees, the comites, they took over neighborhoods. Revolutionary courts began holding hasty trials and executing officials of the old regime by the hundreds. Khomene's loyalists founded the Islamic Republican Party, a political machine running through the mosque network that already reached every town in Iran. And it was reaching all around the world. And on May 5th, 1979, Khomene decreed the creation of a new armed force, not the National Army, a separate force, a separate force loyal only to the revolution and to him. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, known as the IRGC. I want you to remember that name. It's the thread that runs from nineteen seventy nine to this morning's news. That summer, an assembly was elected to write the Constitution. Clerics and Khomeni loyalists dominated it. And they wrote the guardianship of the jurist straight into the nation's founding law. The doctrine he never campaigned on in Paris became the constitution of it on. Then came November 4th, 1979. Students calling themselves the Muslim student followers of the Imam's line climbed the walls of the American embassy and took the staff hostage. The Prime Minister, Mehdi Barzagon, the moderate, who'd led the provisional government, he couldn't end it. Two days later he resigned. I want you to think about what that means. The students were used to topple the liberal government. The revolution's moderate face was gone inside of nine months, and the documents seized in that embassy were put to work. The regime used them to brand its rivals as American agents. Abbas Amir and Tazam, Barzaghan's deputy prime minister, was arrested in December 1979 on espionage charges. He became the longest held political prisoner in the Islamic Republic's history. The students who climbed that wall thought they were striking at America. What they were really doing was clearing the field for the clerics. There's an order of the gallows. Now watch the order. This is the part of the story that should keep every coalition partner awake at night. First the Liberals in August 1979, the regime shut down Ayan Degan, one of Tehran's largest daily newspapers, along with a wave of other publications in and on. Then Barzargon's government fell. Then his deputy went to prison. The liberal nationalists who'd given the revolution its respectable face in the Western press were finished in less than a year. And the left, the left cheered. The communists called the liberals bourgeois, soft on America. They applauded the purge. Second, the universities. In April 1980, after Friday prayers, Komenee denounced the universities. Gangs of regime loyalists stormed campuses all across the country of Iran. They beat students. They drove leftist groups out of their offices. And many of those students died in those clashes. In June 1980, the regime created a cultural revolution headquarters. And they shut the universities down, every one of them. In and on, they shut them down. They stayed closed for three years, and when they reopened, thousands of students and professors had been purged. Books were banned. Admission now required ideological vetting. Do you see it? The students who marched against the Shah, the professors who wrote the essays against him, the intellectuals who supplied the vocabulary of the revolution were locked out of their own universities by the government they helped create. Third, the president. Abol Hassan Bani Sadr was elected Iran's first president in January 1980. He'd been in Khomene's inner circle in Paris. The regime impeached him and he fled the country in disguise. He wasn't the only member of the Paris circle to learn the lesson. Saregos Pader, Khomeni's spokesman in France, the man who stood behind him and spoke to the world's cameras, was executed by the regime in 1982. The face of the revolution in Paris was shot by the revolution in Tehran. Fourth, the Mojadin. The MEK had fought the Shah. It had mobilized huge numbers of young Iranians for the revolution. And in June 1981, it broke with the regime and called its supporters into the streets. The regime answered with firing squads. Thousands, if not tens of thousands, were executed in 1981 and 1982. Many of them were idealistic teenagers. Like the ones roaming our streets. Like the ones burning Paris. Like the ones rioting here and storming college campuses here. Like the people on social media who keep your feed full of all of this crap. Fifth, the communist. This is the chapter every Western leftist needs to memorize. The Tudet Party did everything the regime asked. It backed Khomeini. It endorsed the hostage crisis. It applauded the purge of the liberals. It cheered the crackdown of the Mojahideen. It supported the regime at every single step because it believed it was riding the revolution toward socialism. But in February 1983, the regime arrested the two-day leadership. On April 30th, 1983, the party's leader, Norodin Khenori, appeared on Iranian state television and confessed to treason and espionage. Within days, the party was banned outright. Its members were ordered to register us at Revolutionary Guard centers. The Fedaiin faction that had sided with the regime met the same end. Loyalty didn't save them. Loyalty just put them at the back of the line. Sixth, the prisons. In the summer of 1988, as the war with Iraq ended, Khomani issued an order regarding the political prisoners still in custody. Committees were formed. Prisoners called them the Death Commissions. Prisoners were brought in one at a time and asked about their loyalty and their faith. Hearings lasted only minutes, and many were taken out and hanged just minutes later. Human rights organizations put the number killed between roughly 2,800 and 5,000. But the MEK puts it at around 30,000. The exact number is still hidden because the regime hid the bodies in enormous graves, just like they did not that long ago. The victims were mostly MEK supporters, but the two-day communists and the Fadain, they were taken too. The leftists were asked whether they prayed, whether they believed. Their answers decided whether they lived. And one of the men who sat on the Tehran Death Commission was a young prosecutor named Ibrahim Aisi. And in 1921, the Islamic Republic made him its president. Now, I want you to step back and look at the whole sequence. The liberals were purged and the left cheered. The universities were purged and the left was told it's about Western influence. The president was purged, the Mujahideen were slaughtered and the communists applauded. But then the communists were dragged onto television to confess, and there was no one left to applaud. Every partner who helped bury the last one was the next in line. That isn't a regime losing control of its revolution. That's a regime executing its plan on schedule, in order. The playbook in five moves. Strip away the names and the dates, and you get a playbook. Five moves repeatable anywhere. Move one. Hide the end goal. Publish the real plan to your own people. Show the world a friendlier face, you know, like those smiling faces in the Gracie Mansion in New York City. And over there in Michigan. And in Wisconsin, and in Minneapolis, and others. Show the world a friendlier face. Smile. Move two. Borrow the partner's language. Comenee spoke of the oppressed, of justice, of anti-imperialism, words the left had used for decades. He took their vocabulary and made it his. Move three. Move three. Borrow the partner's bodies. Students, intellectuals, activists, organizers, let them fill the streets, write the essays, and take the risks. Move four. Keep the organization, the money, and the guns for yourself. Let the partners have the microphones. You keep the committees, the courts, the treasury, and the Revolutionary Guard. And if the Second Amendment ever looked like a relic to you, look who held the guns in Tehran in 1979. And who was left? Who was left to hold the signs? Move five. Purge on schedule. When a partner's usefulness is spent, eliminate it. And use the next partner to help. Hide the goal. Borrow the words, borrow the people, keep the guns, and keep the money. Purge. The IRGC was born inside that playbook. And it has never run any other one. And for years now it's been running that playbook in our countries and in Europe. You see, the playbook comes west. The IRGC isn't just an army, it's an external operations arm, the Kutz Force. It has its own intelligence organization. It works alongside Iran's Ministry of Intelligence. And together those organizations run operations on our soil. That isn't my opinion. On June 10th of this year, 22 nations, including the United States and the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Canada, and Australia, issued a joint statement condemning lethal plotting in Europe, North America, and Australia by the IRGC's intelligence organization, the Kudz Force, and Elan's Ministry of Intelligence. They named the targets, Iranian dissidents, journalists, and Jewish and Israeli communities. They called out the regime's use of criminal gangs to do the work. Now I want you to lay the five moves over what's happening right now. Move one, hide. Hide. For decades, the Islamic Center of Hamburg presented itself to Germany as a religious and cultural institution patiently, ever so patiently and ever so respectably. But in July 2024, the German government banned. And seized its blue mosque, calling it an extreme Islamic extremist organization, pursuing anti-constitutional goals and a propaganda center for the Iranian regime. German authorities reported ties to Hezbollah. Then this year a brand new name appeared. Harakada Shab Ali Aimim al-Islamia. Hai. In Arabic, the Islamic movement of the Companions of the Right Hand. It's quite a pious name for a terror brand, don't you think? Hai claimed a campaign of attacks on Jewish communities in Britain, Belgium, and the Netherlands, arson against synagogues, arson against a Jewish volunteer ambulance service in North London. The 22 nations tied the campaign to Rion. And in May, the United States Justice Department indicted a dual Iraqi-Iranian national accused of working for the IRGC and the Iraqi militia, Qata'ib Hezbollah. Prosecutors charged him in connection with nearly 20 attacks and attempted attacks all across Europe and the United States, including attacks, attempts to spring an attack in the synagogue in New York. They say he also ran Hayes Media, and federal prosecutors call HayE exactly what it is: a front, a new name, a new brand. The same organization behind it. That's move one. Move two, borrow the language. In July 2024, America's dictat director of national intelligence, Avril Haynes, made a public statement. She said U.S. intelligence had observed actors tied to Iran's government posing as activists online, seeking to encourage protests over the Gaza war and even providing financial support to protesters. But she said something else. She said the Americans in those protests were expressing their views in good faith, and that many of them may not have known that they were interacting with a foreign government. Some people heard that and said, see, the protesters are innocent. They missed the point. The students of 1979 were not agents either. They were useful. That's how the playbook works. A partner, the partner, it never has to be on the payroll. The partner only has to be pointed in a direction. The regime supplies a vocabulary of justice and resistance and liberation. And it lets sincere people, sincerely wrong, but sincere people carry it into the streets of our cities. Sincerity is the fuel. The IRGC holds the steering wheel. Move number three. Borrow the bodies. In 1979, the borrowed bodies were students. Today the IRGC borrows criminals too. In Australia, a kosher restaurant in Sydney was torched in October 2024, and a synagogue in Melbourne was firebombed that December. Australia's intelligence service concluded the IRGC directed both attacks through what the director called a layer cake of intermediaries, including people tied to organized crime. Australia expelled Iran's ambassador for the first. This was the first ambassador it expelled since the Second World War. In Britain, the head of MI5 reported last year that his service had tracked more than 20 potentially lethal Iran-backed plots. In the United States, the Justice Department charged an IRGC asset named Farhad Shakeri in 2024. Prosecutors say he used criminal associates he'd met in American prisons to supply the IRGC with people for surveillance and assassination. His alleged targets included President Donald J. Trump and many of the members of his cabinet. And the Iranian American journalist Masi Alinejad and that Hayi operative. Prosecutors say that when he went looking for someone to hit that New York synagogue, he thought he was hiring a Mexican cartel member. Idiots will be bounced from chat, just so you know, it won't tolerate it. He went looking for someone to hit that New York synagogue, and he thought he was hiring a Mexican cartel member. He was talking to an undercover agent. Think about that. A terrorist network. A terrorist network looking to burn a house of worship in New York when shopping for a cartel. The regime isn't sending its own sons to do this. It's running ours. It's renting ours, sons and daughters. Move number four. Keep the organization. Every one of those operations runs back to the same command structures, the twenty-two nations named. The activist gets the slogan, the criminal gets the cash, the IRGC keeps the direction and the money and the plan. Nobody borrowed, not a single person borrowed by Tehran ever gets a seat at the table where the decisions are actually made. Nobody, not one. Move number five, the purge. And this is where every student, every activist and every organizer in the West to pay close attention. Pay close attention. Because you don't have to guess what the regime thinks of you. Oh, sure, you ignore all of the truth, all of the truth of what you see. You say, oh, that's American propaganda. We hate America. They're living America, they go to American universities, but we hate America. They hate you. LGBT hates you. They hate you. You can watch what it does to people exactly like you right now. In late December 2025, protests broke out across Iran over the collapsing currency and it grew into demands for political change. And on January 8th, you see, wait a second. Whoa, wait, wait. You see, they don't have guns. Only the government and arms of the government, the terror government, the largest state sponsor of terror in the world, have the guns. On January 8th and 9th, 2026, under a nationwide blackout, security forces opened fire. Amnesty International called it the deadliest period of oppression it had recorded in and on. In decades of research, the regime's own official count admitted 3,117 dead. Human rights groups have documented thousands more. Some report the numbers in the tens of thousands. And most land on 52,000 people were murdered. There was so much blood it clogged the drains in the streets. Protesters were branded Muhrib, enemies of God, a charge that carries the death penalty. And the executions, they haven't stopped. Remember that 20-year-old and Isfahan hanged the day before the National Students' Day? So here's the truth for the young American or the young European carrying a slogan Tehran would approve. The regime that encourages your protest in New York City shoots protesters in Tehran. The regime that praises your activism online sentences activists at home to death. The regime that celebrates the students of 1979 hangs the students of 2026. You're not the regime's ally. You're its inventory. Ask the two-day. There's a plan to break it. Now, here's the solution. And it has to be more than just outrage. Listen, you can have all the outrage you want. It's a waste. You can go to social media and you can type up all these things. It's a waste. It does nothing. It has to be more than outrage. Here's the good news: the West has finally named the enemy. The United States designated the IRGC a foreign terrorist organization in 2019. Canada listed it in 2024. Australia listed it as a state sponsor of terrorism. And on January 29th of this year, after the massacre, the European Union added the IRGC to its terrorist list. And in July, Britain banned it under a new national security law with up to 14 years in prison for supporting it. That's real progress, but a designation is just a sign on the door. It isn't a lock. Here's how we lock it: seven actions. Are you ready? These are seven actions for Washington and London and every capital in Europe. Action number one as Paris burns. As much of France burns. Enforce the designations like we mean it. A terrorist designation means material support is a crime. So prosecute it. Freeze the assets. That's why Secretary Bessant has had to be moved. He has had to be moved because of imminent death threats that are actionable right in the United States. It's why the President of the United States, Donald J. Trump, has anti-missile batteries outside of his home in Mar-Lago. Remove IRGC-linked individuals from our countries. Kick them out. No trial. Kick them out. Once they are identified, boot them. We don't care where you go, but you can't stay here. It's closing time for terrorism in the United States. The EU listing lets member states act against the IRGC members who enter the Union. Use it. Every government that designated the IRGC should publish an annual enforcement report. Prosecutions brought. Assets frozen. Individuals removed. If the number is zero, the designation is theater. Pure theater. And that'll get you killed. Ask the students. Ask the professors. Action number two, close the fronts. Germany showed the model with Hamburg. Close the fronts. Investigate, raid, ban, seize. Any institution in the West that takes direction from the Supreme Leader's office or the IRGC should be closed and its assets confiscated. Whatever it calls itself. This isn't about any faith. It's about a foreign government's operations wearing the costume of a faith. Action number three, hunt the cutouts and protect the targets. The IRGC's favorite weapon in the West is the hired criminal. So make it the most expensive job in the underworld. When a foreign state hires a criminal to burn a synagogue or stalk a journalist, prosecute it as terrorism with sentencing to match. Build a standing task force. Europe, Britain, America, Canada, and Australia that follows the money. And the phone records, up through the layer of cake to the handler. Every arson tied to Tehran is an attack by a foreign state. Treat it that way. The fund money is the fuel. Fund real protection for the people the 22 nations named as targets, Jewish communities, Iranian dissidents and journalists, hardened sites, rapid response, a direct line to investigators. Action number four, cut the money. The IRGC controls a vast share of Iran's economy. It runs on oil sold through a shadow fleet of tankers and buyers who think the rules don't apply to them. Enforce the sanctions on the ships, the insurers, and the ports, and the buyers. Pay whistleblowers who expose evasion and pay them well. Chase the cryptocurrency and IRGC without money is a slogan without an army. Action number five. If a foreign government is funding or directing activity in our countries, the public has a right to know who they are. In America, enforce the Foreign Agents Registration Act or FIRA. Enforce the law requiring universities to disclose foreign money with penalties that actually hurt. By the way, in January, the incoming majority has said they are going to undo all of this. I'll remind you, President Obama, President Obama, Barack Hussein Obama, during his term, gave nine billion dollars to Iran, secretly, loaded on a plane that left in the middle of the night. No press coverage. No disclosure. Nothing. This president is the only one to ever take them on fully. Britain already places Iran on the highest tier of its foreign influence registration scheme. Every Western nation should do the same, register or shut down. Action number six, end the hostage trade. This one is hard. Trust me, I know this firsthand. This one is hard. And it is necessary. In 2021, a Belgian court convicted an INE diplomat, Asodala Asadi, of plotting to bomb a rally in Ianian opposition supporters near Paris. He got 20 years. In 2023, he was traded home in a prisoner exchange. In 2022, a Swedish court convicted Hamed Noi, a former prison official, of the crimes tied to the 1988 massacre. Life sentence. In 2024, he too was traded home. Every one of those trades told the regime the same thing. Go ahead and take a Westerner hostage, and your terrorists come home. Each swap prices the next kidnapping. Western governments should commit, in law, that convicted agents of the Iranian state serve their sentences in full. Every one of them. Action number seven: Arm the Truth. The regime's playbook depends on one thing above all: that all its partners don't know the story. So tell the story. At the very least, tell the truth. Teach 1979 on every campus where the regime's vocabulary is being repeated. Teach the Tude. Teach the Death Commissions. Teach the students who sat on the floor at the University of Tehran last week. Teach, listen, teach the truth. Well documented truth. The most powerful counter message to the IRGC isn't written by a government. It's written by the regime's own victims. And I don't know how you make this happen. I kind of do, but I don't know how you make this happen in this day and age. But arm the Iranian people with the truth, too. The regime kills in the dark. It cut the internet on January 8th so the world couldn't see the tens of thousands massacred on their own streets. Fund the tools that break the blackout. Document every crime by name for the courts so that the men who gave the orders can be prosecuted wherever they set foot. Go and get them. Sanction the perpetrators personally by name one at a time. These are just seven actions. Enforce, close the fronts, hunt the cutouts and protect the targets. Cut the money, make influence register, end the hostage trade, arm the truth. None of it requires a single new war. All of it requires will. The warning nobody gave them. Let me be precise about who the enemy actually is. Because the regime counts on us being sloppy. The enemy isn't the Iranian people. The Iranian people, the Persians are the victims. They're the regime's first victims and its final answer. The enemy isn't Muslims so much to say. The regime has killed more Muslims than it killed than it's killed anyone else. The enemy is an organization, an ideology with an army, a doctrine with secret police, a revolutionary guard that spent 47 years using people and burying them. Literally. This year the system lost its supreme leader in war. And in March, the clerics handed his office to his son. I want you to think about that. A revolution that overthrew a hereditary king now has a hereditary supreme leader. Everything the students of 1979 marched against, the regime became. They changed the face. They didn't change the playbook, they changed the face. So come back with me to those two days last week. On Wednesday, the regime celebrated National Students Day. It honored the students who climbed a wall in 1979. Most of them never understood they were opening a door for the men who'd close the universities, hang the communists, and turn a revolution of millions into the property of a few. On Tuesday, students in Tehran sat on a floor with handwritten signs asking for their classmates back. And in Isfahan, a 20-year-old went to the gallows and he died. He was murdered by the regime. The students in Tehran understand perfectly. They've lived the ending. The students of 1979 never got the warning. Nobody warned the liberals. Nobody warned the professors. Nobody warned the Mujahideen. Nobody warned the Tude until their leader was on television confessing to crimes he didn't commit. Nobody stood up and told the idealists what was actually coming. But tonight, somebody did. I did a blog post on this. I'd like you to see it. See all the receipts at true wordfaithforlife.com slash blog slash useful dash until dash used backslash or forward slash. I don't know what those things are. The students of this generation have now been warned. To every young person in the West carrying a slogan, Tehran would approve. In this playbook, you're useful until you're used, and then they bill, they kill you first, and then they bury you. Don't be used. Tell the story, break the machine, and stand with the Iranian people until they are free. Thank you for listening. You're encouraged to share, subscribe, click on the little bell for all notifications, and hit the thumbs up while you're there. Shalom.